Written/Delivered: January 28, (1st document) The Congress government has arrested one thousand communists during the last one month. Most of. The Naxalite ideology is broadly based on Comrade Charu Majumdar’s historic Eight Documents and creative application of. HISTORIC DOCUMENTS – CHARU MAZUMDAR. SOURCE: CM-WORKS BLOG. Our Tasks in the Present Situation (28th January, – First Document).
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Enter your email address to subscribe to this blog and documemts notifications of new posts by email. The Congress government has arrested docunents thousand communists during the last one month.
Most of Central and Provincial leadership are in jail today. Gulzarilal Nanda has announced that he will not accept the verdict of the electorate and he has notand he has started telling absurd stories about guerrilla warfare.
This offensive against democracy documsnts begun because of the internal and international crisis of capitalism. The main aim of American imperialism is to establish Sight as the chief reactionary base in South-East Asia. The Indian bourgeoisie is unable to find any way to solve its internal crisis. The perennial food crisis, its ever increasing price level, are creating obstacles for the Five-Year Plan, and as a result of this, there is no other way for the Indian bourgeoisie to come out from this crisis excepting importing more and more Anglo-American imperialist capital.
As a result of this dependence on imperialism, the internal crisis of capitalism is bound to increase dovuments by day. The Indian bourgeoisie has not been able to find out any documdnts way except killing democracy, faced with the instructions of American imperialism and its own internal crisis.
By killing democracy there can be no solution of this crisis, and the Indian bourgeoisie also will not be able to solve this crisis. The more the Government will be dependent on imperialism, the more it will fail to solve its internal crisis.
Imperialist capital demands the arrest of communists as a precondition before investing; so also it wants a temporary solution of the food problem. To solve this food crisis, some steps to stop trade and profiteering in food are necessary, and it is for this that control is necessary.
In a country of backward economy like India, this control invariably faces Opposition from a large section. This conflict of the bourgeoisie is not mainly a conflict between monopoly capitalists and the national bourgeoisie. This conflict is mainly between the trading community and the monopoly industrialists. In a country of backward economy, trade in foodstuff and essential commodities is inevitable for the creation of capital, and control creates obstacles in the creation of this capital, and as a result of that, internal conflict takes the form of internal crisis.
India is a vast country. It is not possible to rule the million people of this country by following a policy of repression. It is not possible for any imperialist country to take such a big responsibility. American imperialism is writing in death pangs, in keeping its commitment to those countries of the world which it has assured of giving aid.
Meanwhile, an industrial crisis has developed in America. According to the official statement, four million people are absolutely unemployed; 35 million people are semi-unemployed and in factories also semi-unemployment is continuing. So the Indian Government will fail to suppress the ever-increasing discontent of the people. Some indication of the shape of the protest movement of tomorrow is available from the language movement of Madras.
HISTORIC DOCUMENTS – CHARU MAZUMDAR. « peoples march
So, the coming era is not merely an era of big struggles, but also an era of big victories. What is the main basis for building up a revolutionary organisation?
Comrade Stalin has said: A revolutionary cadre is he who can analyse the situation at his own initiative and can adopt policies according to that. Our Organisational Slogans — 1.
Eight Documents of Charu Mazumdar – EKLAVYA STUDENTS AND YOUTH ASSOCIATION
Every party member must form at least one Activist Ieght of five. He will educate the cadres of this Activist Group in political education. Every party member must see to it that no one from this group is exposed to the police.
There should be an underground place for meetings of every Dpcuments Group. If necessary, shelters for keeping one or two underground will have to be arranged. Every Activist Group must have a definite person for contacts. A place should be arranged for hiding secret documents.
A member of the Activist Group should be made a member of the Party as soon as he becomes an eighy in political education and work. After he becomes a Party member, the Activist Group must not have any contact with him. This organisational style should be firmly adhered to. This organisation itself will take up the responsibility of revolutionary organisation in the future.
What will be the Political Education? The main basis of the Indian Revolution is agrarian revolution. So, the main-slogan of the political propaganda campaign will be—make the agrarian revolution successful. The extent to which we are docu,ents to propagate the programme of agrarian revolution among the workers and the petty-bourgeoisie and educate them in it, to that extent they will be educated in political education.
Every Activist Group should discuss the class analysis among the peasantry, the propaganda of the programme of agrarian revolution. As revisionist thinking nestled in the Indian party for a long time, doduments could not build up a correct revolutionary party. Our primary task today is to build up a correct revolutionary party fighting uncompromisingly against this revisionist thinking. The proletarian revolution cannot be made successful without an uncompromising struggle against this economism.
This is the lesson that com. Lenin has given us. Not only has that, these comrades sought to confine the responsibility of carrying out the political tasks of the Party within the limits of these movements only. Although it will remain a revolutionary Party in name then, it will be actually reduced to a reformist party of the bourgeoisie. When speaking of seizure of political power, some mean the Centre.
HISTORIC DOCUMENTS – CHARU MAZUMDAR.
They think that with the gradual expansion of the limits of the movement, our only aim will be to capture power centrally. This thinking is not only wrong; this thinking destroys the correct revolutionary thinking within the party and reduces it to a reformist party.
At the World Trade Union Congress inthe well-tested and well-established Marxist leader majukdar China, member of the Central Committee of the Communist Party makumdar China, asserted firmly that in the coming days the tactics documebts strategy of the unfinished revolution of Asia, Africa and Latin America will follow the footsteps of China. In other words, the strategy and tactics of these struggles will be area-wise seizure of power. Lenin also mentioned area-wise seizure of power in his writings.
In the era of socialism, all the elements of area-wise seizure of chark are present in our framework. A burning instance of the fact that this is possible is the Naga rebellion. The main condition of this area-wise seizure of power is weapons in the hands of the revolutionary forces. To think of seizing power without arms, is nothing but an idle dream. Our Party has a very long history of struggles.
Naturally, we shall have to examine and analyse the movements of the past and draw lessons from them and we shall have to move forward anew in the present revolutionary era.
Analysis of the concrete events and experiences of the Tebhaga Movement in and The participant peasants in this movement numbered about six million. It should be remembered that in the entire peasant movement this was a golden era. In the massiveness of the movement, in the intensity of emotions, in the expression of class hatred, this movement was the highest stage of class struggle. To help understand that stage, I am citing a few moving instances of that movement. I have personally witnessed the tide of the revolutionary movement.
We have seen how a single little note made a man ten miles away come running like a mad man. On the other hand, we have also seen standing beside the husband, a newly wed young Muslim woman who was subjected to demoniac barbarous assault by the class enemy.
The very next moment, I have seen the intense hatred of the exploited against the exploiter; have seen that aweful spectacle of killing a living man in cold blood by twisting his throat. Comrades, the above mentioned incidents demand from us some analysis. Firstly, what was the historical reason as a result of which this massive form of that movement in those days could create intense hatred against the class enemy?
Secondly, what again were the causes which turned that vast movement into a failure? First, it was the slogan of seizure of political power that created the massive form of that movement of those days, created the intense hatred against the class enemy. On the opposite side, it was this slogan that made the class enemy adopt his class role. It is the expression of this that we find in the barbaric rape of the young peasant woman and the beastly violent attack to smash the movement.
On the other hand the peasants also did not hesitate to attack the class enemy. This raises the question: We hesitated in those days to accept that bold declaration of Lenin to carry forward the revolution by collecting arms locally and seizing power area-wise. As a result, the unarmed peasants could not stand up and resist in the face of arms. Even those who fought defying death had also to retreat finally.
The lesson that has to be drawn from the mistakes of those days is that the responsibility of collecting arms lies with the local organisation, not with the centre. So the question of collecting arms will have to be put up before every Activist Group from now on.
The events described above are manifestations of revisionist thinking in its theoretical aspect.
The Historical Eight Documents -Respected Leader Comrade Charu Mazumder
Now, from the organisational point of view, those mistakes will have to be found out which were hurdles in the way of a correct leadership of the vast movements of those days, so that they may not find a nest afresh in the revolutionary Party.
To smash all those mistakes in the Party, the Party will today first have to establish its leadership over the mass organisations. For, a review of the history of the party over a long period would chqru that as a result of the revisionist thinking of regarding leaders of trade unions and peasant organisations krishak sabha as dharu real representatives of the people, the party was reduced to a party of a few individuals. All movements became confined within the bonds of movements on demands.
As a result Party members became enthusiastic over a single victory and despondent over a single defeat. Secondly, as a result of overestimating the importance of this organisation, another type of localism is born. Comrades think that cahru Party will suffer a serious loss if any comrade is shifted from his area and they take this as a loss to personal leadership.
From this localism another type of opportunism develops. Comrades think that their area is the most revolutionary; naturally nothing should be done here so that there is police persecution. Because of this viewpoint they do not analyse the political situation of the cuaru country.
As a result, commandism develops and eighy and daily propaganda work suffers.